RIS309391 Betrokkenheid ouders bij seksuele uitbuiting eigen kinderen Bijlage 2

Journal of Crime and Justice

ISSN: 0735-648X (Print) 2158-9119 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjcj20

Family-facilitated juvenile sex trafficking Joan A. Reid, Juliana Huard & Rachael A. Haskell To cite this article: Joan A. Reid, Juliana Huard & Rachael A. Haskell (2015) Familyfacilitated juvenile sex trafficking, Journal of Crime and Justice, 38:3, 361-376, DOI: 10.1080/0735648X.2014.967965 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/0735648X.2014.967965

Published online: 09 Oct 2014.

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Journal of Crime and Justice, 2015 Vol. 38, No. 3, 361–376, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0735648X.2014.967965

Family-facilitated juvenile sex trafficking Joan A. Reida*, Juliana Huardb and Rachael A. Haskellc a

Criminology Program, University of South Florida St Petersburg, St Petersburg, FL, USA; bSchool of Criminology and Justice Studies, University of Massachusetts Lowell, MA, USA; cSchool of Education and Social Services, Saint Leo University, Saint Leo, FL, USA (Received 16 June 2014; accepted 14 September 2014) The purpose of this research was to explore the understudied characteristics and dynamics of family-facilitated juvenile sex trafficking (FF-JST). Drawing from case records of juvenile sex trafficking (JST) victims in Florida, the current study examined child maltreatment histories, perpetrator– victim relationship patterns, trafficker motivations, and exploitive strategies observed in cases involving FF-JST. Demographics, JST risk factors, and child maltreatment histories reported in 19 FF-JST cases were compared with 43 JST cases involving nonrelative traffickers. Examination and comparison of the two subsets of JST cases revealed unique characteristics and dynamics operating in FF-JST including extensive maltreatment histories involving multiple types of child maltreatment. Review of these cases also exposed specific complexities that obstruct detection of family-facilitated exploitation and hinder victim recovery. Keywords: sex trafficking; child maltreatment; commercial sexual exploitation

Introduction Juvenile sex trafficking (JST), or profit-driven sexual exploitation of children and adolescents, is defined as a severe form of human trafficking (Trafficking Victims Protection Act [TVPA] 2000). With the passing of the TVPA, governmental and nongovernmental agencies initiated and intensified efforts to combat JST, first internationally and then domestically within the USA (Reid 2010, 2013). In spite of these initiatives, the problem continues to affect various locations in the USA, driven by demand and sustained by societal tolerance and persistent minimization of the problem and its longterm consequences (Adelson 2008; Kreston 2000; Reid and Jones 2011; Shively et al. 2012). The two primary forms of JST are child pornography, which entails selling of sexual images, videos, or webcasts of live sex shows involving minors, and prostitution of minors, which involves the physical exchange of sex with minors for money or other commodities and services. Sex traffickers who profit from the sexual exploitation of minors may be strangers, boyfriends, girlfriends, employers, drug dealers, family members, or other trusted adults. While all forms of JST are understudied, scholarly research regarding family-facilitated juvenile sex trafficking (FF-JST) is practically nonexistent.

As explained by Mitchell, Finkelhor, and Wolak (2013), when social problems have not been extensively researched, strong stereotypes may dominate the initial views and opinions of the problem. Related to JST, current conceptualizations are predominately focused on vulnerable runaway and

*Corresponding author. Email: jareid2@usf.edu q 2014 Midwestern Criminal Justice Association

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homeless youth who are recruited on the streets by nonrelative sex traffickers or pimps (Reid 2014; Williams 2010). While many JST cases fit this stereotype, other dynamics and paths to JST – such as sex trafficking facilitated by a caregiver or relative – should not be overlooked. Significantly, results of a recent statewide survey of 323 professionals who serve high-risk youth and/or victims of crime in Kentucky reported that a familial relationship between victim and trafficker was the most commonly mentioned (61.9%) type of trafficker – victim relationship (Cole and Anderson 2013). Estes and Weiner (2005) warned that the likelihood of prolonged sexual exploitation of children by family members is greatest if these youth are not identified by child protective services. The purpose of the current study is to explore the understudied dynamics of FF-JST. By identifying common victim-offender dynamics within FF-JST such as familial relational patterns and relativetrafficker motivations, this study offers greater understanding of FF-JST that may be used to inform prevention strategies for identifying the most vulnerable youth.

Linking JST to child maltreatment Familial and individual risk factors for victimization in JST have been identified by numerous researchers including caregiver alcohol and/or drug use, caregiver mental health problems, domestic violence, and youth history of child maltreatment (Reid 2012a). Running away and early alcohol and/or drug use have also been frequently noted as youth responses to child maltreatment that inflate youth vulnerability to JST (Reid 2011). The limited existing research on FF-JST has found that the familial and individual risks for FF-JST parallel the previously mentioned JST risk factors such as caregiver dysfunction and family violence. However, specific to FF-JST, researchers have noted additional risks including the involvement of caregivers or other family members in the illegal commercial sex industry, frequent moving and relocations by families, and lack of detection of child maltreatment by child protective services (Estes and Weiner 2005). While these risk factors are frequently noted as markers for various detrimental delinquency-related outcomes, few theories have been offered that explain why certain girls who possess known risk factors for FF-JST (i.e., history of child maltreatment) become entrapped in sex trafficking while other girls with similar backgrounds are not victimized in this way (Reid 2012b).

To advance beyond the identification of risk factors, Reid (2011) and Reid and Piquero (2013) analytically identified a strain-reactive pathway beginning with caregiver dysfunction contributing to poor nurturing and maltreatment that subsequently heightened youth vulnerability to JST. Specifically related to FF-JST, Albanese (2007) conceptualized a potential continuum of abuse linking child sexual abuse to FF-JST. In the model proposed by Albanese (2007), the continuum of abuse began with child sexual abuse by a family member that occurred with increasing frequency. The sexual abuse escalated as the abusive family member shared and sold pornographic photographs/videos of the youth on the Internet leading to the eventual exploitation of the youth in prostitution by the abusive family member (Albanese 2007). Lastly, the conceptualized progression from child sexual abuse to JST culminated with the exploited youth being kidnapped and sold for sex by other non-relative traffickers (Albanese 2007). Extensive victimization history and JST This overview of research regarding JST strongly suggests that children and adolescents victimized by JST are most likely victimized in multiple ways, and belong to a category of victimized youth labeled poly-victims (Finkelhor, Ormrod, and Turner 2007). Research

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has consistently shown that certain types of child maltreatment and victimizations commonly co-occur (Arata et al. 2007) including the commonly observed link between child sexual abuse and JST (Reid 2011; Tyler et al. 2001). Despite the strong evidence that victimized youth often experience multiple victimizations, researchers and practitioners treating maltreated youth tend to focus on and treat one particular type of victimization (e.g., sexual abuse, witnessing domestic violence) and fail to take into account the reality that many victimized children experience more than one type of abuse (Finkelhor, Ormrod, and Turner 2007; Stevens et al. 2005). Highlighting the plight of poly-victims, Finkelhor, Ormrod, and Turner (2007) noted that 96% of poly-victims reported three or more kinds of victimization (e.g., child maltreatment, sexual victimization, bullying). Poly-victims not only reported many kinds of victimizations, they also reported suffering more severe types of victimization. Experiencing more severe victimizations across so many kinds of victimizations commonly resulted in elevated levels of distress with polyvictimization found to greatly influence the intensity of trauma symptoms (Finkelhor, Ormrod, and Turner 2007).

With important application to JST, prior studies suggest that JST victims fit the definition and description of poly-victims as they often have an extensive history of victimization and suffer from high levels of trauma symptoms (Reid 2012b). Greater understanding of the link between JST and other types of child maltreatment is needed to facilitate proper identification and treatment of JST victims. Without effective identification, victims will not receive intervention and treatment. For example, Reid (2010) noted that reporting protocols of child protective teams did not include JST as a unique type of child maltreatment perpetrated by caregivers but rather JST, if identified, was categorized as sexual abuse. As a result, the identification and tracking of JST victims was not occurring. Related to treatment protocols, Saunders (2003) and Finkelhor, Ormrod, and Turner (2007) maintain that focusing on and treating a single type of victimization reduces the likelihood of understanding the progression of victimizations and effectively addressing treatment needs. Current study Drawing from prior research regarding risk factors of FF-JST, the current study focused on two sets of research questions in order to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the dynamics of FF-JST.

The first set of questions focused on the demographics of FF-JST victims, their maltreatment histories, how FF-JST victims were being identified, and the consequences of sexual exploitation. The second set of questions centered on the identity and modus operandi of the traffickers. In this study, FF-JST is defined as commercial or profit-driven sexual exploitation of a minor by an individual acting as the caregiver or considered a close family member of the exploited youth. While some children who are sexually abused by family members may receive money, rewards, or incentive to ensure their silence or compliance as part of the abuser’s grooming behavior (Mitchell, Finkelhor, and Wolak 2013), for the current study, this type of sexual exploitation was not considered FF-JST as this type of abuse is not profit-driven. More precisely, cases were only classified as FF-JST if there were indications that a caregiver or family member profited or benefited in some way beyond gaining sex with the minor. Lastly, while many cases of JST can be strongly, yet secondarily, linked to family dysfunction or abandonment, cases classified as FF-JST for this study involved caregivers or family members directly trading or selling sex of their child-relative for money or other valued commodities.

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Methodology Study design and data collection This study employed an exploratory multi-case study design using purposive sampling with cross validation (Patton 2005). Case study designs frequently incorporate the examination of multiple cases in order to build an initial explanation of a complex and understudied phenomenon (Patton 2005; Yin 1989). For the current study, the use of multi-case study design was expected to reveal core patterns in the dynamics of FF-JST, yet also capture existing variation between cases (Patton 2005). Purposive sampling, similar to the sampling strategy used by the current study, is frequently used when the probability of selection for all members of a population is unknowable (Hagan and McCarthy 1997). The primary data for this study were drawn from the review of a subset of case files of girls trafficked by family members gathered from four social service agencies located in major metropolitan areas in southern and central Florida. These social service agencies provided case management and counseling to girls who were exploited in sex trafficking. The agencies participating in this study provided services to girls and no agencies were identified that provided services to trafficked boys.

The case files included de-identified information from intake interviews completed by staff employed by the participating agencies, comprehensive psychosocial assessments, law enforcement reports, and results of psychological testing of the youth. In addition, to validate and possibly elaborate on the data recorded in the case files, mental health therapists and case managers with in-depth knowledge of the documented cases were interviewed regarding the psychosocial histories and experiences of the trafficked girls. All case managers or therapists participating in the study had direct and extensive experience assisting trafficked youth. The semi-structured interviews with these social service providers were completed in approximately one hour. The review of the case files and interviews were conducted between July 2012 and March 2014. The protocols of the study were approved by the Institutional Review Board of the University of South Florida and the University of Massachusetts Lowell. The purposive sampling of case files and interviews with social service providers of trafficked youth ensured that several ethical requirements were met. Most importantly, data required to answer the key research questions of this study had been previously collected and were available for analysis.

By reviewing case records and interviewing social service providers engaged in assisting these youth, members of this highly vulnerable population faced no additional risk.

Analysis of case files and interview data All of the data pertaining to the psychosocial history of the trafficked girls and the circumstances surrounding their exploitation in sex trafficking were reviewed, coded, and synthesized. First, youth demographic information and trafficker information contained in the case files were recorded to gain greater understanding of the characteristics of the full sample of trafficked girls and to allow the comparison between victims of FF-JST and those girls trafficked by nonrelatives. After recording and analyzing the demographic data, the psychosocial histories of youth available in the case files were reviewed. Occurrences of child maltreatment and other types of victimizations prior to initial exploitation in sex trafficking, as well as youth responses to maltreatment, arrests for prostitution, and child protective services involvement were recorded. Comparisons of the youth demographics, child maltreatment histories, youth responses to maltreatment,

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arrests for prostitution, and youth involvement with child protective services of those youth trafficked by family members and JST victims trafficked by nonrelatives were conducted using SPSS. Additionally, qualitative data gained from the case files and in-depth interviews regarding motivations of traffickers and methods of trafficking were coded and organized. The FF-JST cases were first organized by type of perpetrator – victim dyad (e.g., mother – daughter dyad, father –daughter dyad). Subsequently, template analysis (TA), a systematic method for thematically analyzing qualitative data, facilitated the analyses of the qualitative data regarding trafficker motivations and methods. TA organizes qualitative data based on the clustering of responses among a priori designated and/or data driven templates (King 1998). Based on prior research regarding possible motivations and methods of trafficking of dependents or other family members, an a priori template was created with expected trafficker motivations (e.g., to support a drug addiction, financial difficulties/need for money, family member involvement in illegal commercial sex industry) and trafficking methods (e.g., selling sex with girl in family home, involving girl in street prostitution, transporting girl to another place of business). If these data were encompassed by the a priori themes, they were so coded.

If not, new themes were created or existing themes were modified. Additionally, to facilitate application of the study findings to prevention and intervention strategies, particular complexities noted for each case that obstructed detection, impeded apprehension of sex traffickers, or hindered the provision of victim services were also organized and coded. A final data-derived template was used to categorize and frame the study findings, providing data-based evidence for any interpretations or conclusions (King 1998). Microsoft Word and Microsoft Excel supported the coding and organization of the case file and interview data (Leahy 2004; Taylor-Powell and Renner 2003). Results Sample demographics and subsample comparisons The full sample of cases files contained information regarding 92 female youth who were minors at the time of their initial exploitation in sex trafficking and who received social services between 2007 and 2013 from four agencies located in two metropolitan areas in Florida. For the full sample of 92 girls, initial JST occurred when the girls were between the ages of 4 and 17 years old (M ¼ 14.01; SD ¼ 2.71). Within the sample, 62 case files included information on the traffickers. The types of trafficker –victim relationships were distributed as 29% stranger, 26% boyfriend, 10% girlfriend, 31% relative, 3% drug dealer, and 2% employer.

As shown on Table 1, the average age of the girls trafficked by a relative (n ¼ 19) was younger (M ¼ 11.50; SD ¼ 4.23) than the average age of initial exploitation the girls trafficked by nonrelatives (M ¼ 14.73; SD ¼ 1.45). The range of ages at initial exploitation of those exploited by relative traffickers was wider (ranging from 4 to 16 years) in comparison to youth trafficked by nonrelatives (ranging from 11 to 17 years). The race/ethnic distribution of the full sample was 46% African-American, 29% Hispanic, 13% Caucasian, 9% Haitian, and 3% of other races/ethnicities. The race/ethnic distribution was similar for the subsample of youth trafficked by relatives with 42% of these youth were identified as African-American, 32% Hispanic, 11% Caucasian, 5% Haitian, and 11% of other races/ethnicities. Within the subset of girls trafficked by relatives, 37% (n ¼ 7) were foreign-born girls who were either trafficked into the USA or were exploited after they arrived in the USA by sex traffickers who were identified as citizens of other countries.

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Table 1. Descriptive statistics and bivariate analyses. Subsamples of JST victims Victim characteristics and maltreatment history Age at initial JST Witnessed domestic violence Child sexual abuse Child physical abuse Child neglect/abandonment Poly-victimization Running away Drug/alcohol use Arrested for prostitution Received child protective services/sheltered

Girls with relative traffickers (n ¼ 19), M(SD)/%

Girls with nonrelative traffickers (n ¼ 43), M(SD)/%

t-Test or x 2 statistic

11.50 (4.23) 67% 88% 71% 83% 59% 69% 56% 22% 74%

14.73 (1.45) 27% 35% 30% 43% 18% 92% 81% 36% 60%

t (57) ¼ 4.38** x 2 (2) ¼ 7.90** x 2 (2) ¼ 12.75** x 2 (2) ¼ 7.39** x 2 (2) ¼ 7.93** x 2 (4) ¼ 13.35* x 2 (2) ¼ 5.07* x 2 (2) ¼ 3.54 x 2 (2) ¼ 1.06 x 2 (2) ¼ 1.05

Note: Poly-victimization designates the youth experienced all four types of maltreatment. *p , 0.05, **p , 0.01.

When exploring youth behaviors or circumstances that prior research has found to escalate vulnerability to exploitation in JST, those trafficked by relatives were less likely to report running away (69% vs. 92%) and alcohol/drug use (56% vs. 81%) than those trafficked by nonrelatives. There was no significant difference in grade completion, when controlling for youth age, between the two subgroups of trafficked girls. When considering youth histories of child maltreatment, a greater proportion of FFJST victims witnessed domestic violence between caregivers (67% vs. 27%), experienced child sexual abuse (88% vs. 35%), experienced child physical abuse (71% vs. 30%), and were neglected or abandoned (83% vs. 43%) than JST victims trafficked by nonrelatives (see Table 1). When comparing the percentage of youth who experienced multiple types of maltreatment or poly-victimization, 59% of FF-JST victims had experienced all four types of child maltreatment compared with 18% of JST victims trafficked by nonrelatives (Figure 1). When considering possible routes of victim identification or intervention by law enforcement or social services, FF-JST victims were slightly less likely to have been arrested for prostitution (22% vs. 36%) and were only slightly more likely to have received child protective services or been placed in state care (74% vs.

60%) when compared to victims trafficked by nonrelatives.

Relative traffickers Of the relative traffickers, 63% (n ¼ 12) were female and 37% (n ¼ 7) were male. Eleven of the 12 female relative traffickers were biological mothers of the trafficked girls, with the mother – daughter relationship being the most commonly reported type of perpetrator – victim dyad identified by FF-JST victims. The one remaining female trafficker was not the victim’s biological mother, but was an individual who was acting as her maternal caregiver. This particular victim began residing with her boyfriend’s mother when she was 14 years old in order to escape ongoing sexual abuse by her step-father and was subsequently sold for sex by this caregiver. Of the remaining relative traffickers, 16% (n ¼ 3) were male cousins, 11% (n ¼ 2) were uncles, and 11% (n ¼ 2) were fathers.

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Neglect/ Abandonment 83%

Witnessed Domestic Violence 67%

All Types of Maltreatment 59%

Child Physical Abuse 71%

Child Sexual Abuse 88%

Figure 1. Child maltreatment histories of FF-JST victims.

Several cases involved more than one relative trafficker. For instance, in one of the cases categorized as a case involving a mother-trafficker, the victim was prostituted by her mother in Guatemala and ‘sold’ to her uncle in the USA. Subsequently, this victim was also exploited in prostitution by her uncle once she arrived in the USA from Guatemala. Another case categorized as a case involving an uncle-trafficker as the primary trafficker also involved the victim’s male cousin and her mother’s boyfriend. According to the case file, the mother’s boyfriend was allegedly the leader of a large human trafficking/ prostitution ring. The law enforcement report regarding this case noted that the victim’s mother also had knowledge of her daughter’s exploitation in prostitution by these three traffickers (i.e., uncle, cousin, and mother’s boyfriend). Relative-trafficker motivations and practices The most commonly noted motivation of relative-traffickers was financial gain. Information provided in 9 of the 19 case files (47%) indicated that money was the key reason the traffickers was exploiting the victims. In four cases (21%), the primary motivation was the need for money or drugs to support a drug habit. In three of these cases, addiction to crack cocaine was specifically mentioned.

In the six remaining cases (32%), the specific benefit or profit received by the traffickers was not detailed. In these cases, the girls were described as being exploited for sex with the traffickers’ acquaintances. In six cases (32%), the exploitation of the girls was facilitated by the trafficker inviting men to the home to have sex with the victims. In two additional cases (10%), the girls were described as living in or adjacent to a residence that was being used as a brothel and the exploitation occurred in that residence. In four cases (21%), the girls were exploited in street prostitution with the exploitation occurring somewhere outside of their homes (e.g., on the street, in a bar restroom). In two cases (10%), the traffickers set up ‘dates’ or ‘escort jobs’ for the girls. In the remaining cases, the location of the exploitation was not clarified. As previously noted, the majority of the cases involved a single trafficker or pair of traffickers (e.g., mother and uncle); however, in four cases (21%) the exploitation was allegedly facilitated by a human trafficking/prostitution ring. One case involved both labor

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trafficking and sex trafficking, as the victim was first exploited (sold by her mother when she was 6 years old) as a domestic worker, followed by exploitation in agricultural work, and eventually exploited in sex trafficking.

Mother –daughter dyad As previously noted, the most common type of perpetrator – victim dyad in this sample was the mother –daughter dyad (n ¼ 12). Three observed types of mother-traffickers emerged from the data – mother-trafficker as ‘madam’ (n ¼ 4), mother-trafficker as ‘addict’ (n ¼ 5), and mother-trafficker as ‘mentor/tutor’ (n ¼ 3). Mother-trafficker as ‘madam.’ One caregiver blatantly acknowledged taking the role of madam. She exploited the victim by arranging ‘“dates” with various adult men through word of mouth because she needed the money and wanted to “try her hand at being a madam.”’ In another case, the victim’s ‘mother was arrested for running a brothel with her husband.’ Case notes regarding another girl who was exploited by her mother for many years revealed the progression of sexual exploitation as the victim aged, noting that ‘the client started being sexual exploited by her mother at the age of four. Client was forced to perform oral sex on adults and when she became older she was coerced to have sexual intercourse with “johns.”’ Another victim reported that her mother sexually exploited her for over 10 years and when her sister came for a visit, the mother also tried to exploit her sister. The case file noted that the victim’s earliest memory of being sexually exploited was when she was four or five years old . . .

when 15 years old, her sister came to visit from Haiti and asked her why mom would take her out of the room in the middle of the night? The client told her sister that their mother was selling her for sex and her sister replied that it isn’t right what she [the mother] is doing to you. The mother tried to sexually exploit the sister as well and the sister stood up to the mother and said no.

Mother-trafficker as ‘addict.’ Another group of the youngest JST victims were trafficked by mothers who were addicted to drugs. One case noted that ‘the mother is using crack cocaine . . . she uses all the money she is getting to buy drugs . . . the mother is prostituting [name of victim] to get her drugs when she runs out of money.’ Crack cocaine addiction was the specific type of drug addiction mentioned in these cases. For example, documents related to another case noted that the mother sold [name of victim] for sex to support cocaine habit. [Name of victim] was a victim of sexual abuse and she and her siblings were also substance exposed . . . . [name of stepfather] forced [name of victim] to perform oral sex . . . [name of victim] was bleeding from her vagina at four and one half years of age.

In these cases, the victims had extensive histories of child maltreatment. For instance, in one case the victim was removed from her mother’s care due to allegations of neglect, domestic violence, and maternal history of substance abuse. In addition, records note that [name of victim] was exposed to pornography and witnessed her mother engaging in sexual behaviors. [Name of victim] was reportedly forced to prostitute by her mother when she was six years of age.

Another victim reported that she was substance exposed when her mother was pregnant with her. Additionally, she was sexually abused by her step-grandfather and one of her mother’s boyfriends and that ‘her mother would sell her for sex in order to get drug money.’ This victim also reported that her mother would beat her and tie her up for hours in the basement while she [the mother] was prostituting. One of the victims reflected on the

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meaning of this exploitation by stating that ‘her mom prefers to do crack cocaine rather than taking care of her and her siblings . . . the mental representation of her mother is of someone who has abandoned her and has chosen drugs over her.’ Mother-trafficker as ‘mentor/tutor.’ Another role that the mother-traffickers filled was to train their daughters in prostitution. For instance, one case described specific mentoring by a mother, noting that the victim lived with her mom [name of mother] who used drugs and was a prostitute. Her mother had a pimp and taught her “the rules of the game.” Her mother taught her about giving her money to the pimp and not looking other pimps in the eye among other rules.

Another victim, who left home to escape being sexually exploited, noted that years later when she was on the run she called her mom to pick her up from a bar. Reportedly, instead of mom picking her up, client stated that mom came in ordered drinks, went to the restroom with the client and said, ‘Ok, you know we have to prostitute.’

Other perpetrator –victim dyads The two cases of father – daughter exploitation both involved fathers exploiting their children by coercing them to have sex with men. In one case, the victim was first sexually abused by her father. Subsequently, the victim was trafficked by her father and exploited by other men when she was a preadolescent. In the other case involving a father-trafficker, the 6-year-old child victim was sexually exploited in her father’s residence by numerous men. In these cases, religious or mystical beliefs regarding the healing properties of sex with children, such as the ‘the virgin cleansing myth’ (LeclercMadlala 2002; Phasha and Myaka 2014), were considered to be factors in the children’s sexual exploitation. The majority of cases involving uncle-traffickers and cousin-traffickers were described as financially motivated. Similar to girls trafficked by their mothers, these victims also had extensive maltreatment histories. One case involved a male cousin using the victim in a ruse or scam by having the girl pose as a prostitute in order to steal money from ‘johns.’ The mother of this girl was a drug addict who had many violent boyfriends who abused her. To escape this abuse, [name of victim] went to live with her aunt and cousin, who trafficked her and involved her in the prostitution scam beginning when she was 15 years old.

A common feature in the cases facilitated by a relative other than the victim’s mother was abandonment by the victim’s mother. In one case, the victim was left by the mother with the uncle-trafficker for months when her boyfriend took a new job and they moved without the daughter to another city. Subsequently, the uncle sexually abused and prostituted her repeatedly. The victim described her exploitation, explaining that ‘while at home alone at uncle’s house, men came into the home, placed something in her mouth so that she fainted and they sexually abused her . . . [name of victim] is pregnant as a result.’ In a case involving both labor and sex trafficking, [name of victim] remembers attending first grade and then being given (possibly sold) to other family members where she had to work and clean house for them . . . several years later the uncle came to visit the mother and the mother began selling the child to the uncle for sex while in Guatemala and ultimately sent the child to the uncle in the United States for money. The child understands it as having been sold to the uncle. The uncle forced her to do agricultural work . . . the uncle sexually assaulted her and forced her into a prostitution situation where she had to provide services to her uncle’s friends and acquaintances.

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In addition, even in FF-JST cases when the mother was not the trafficker or directly involved in selling her daughter, the mothers were often aware of the sexual exploitation of their daughters. In one case involving three relative-traffickers, the victim was ‘prostituted by her uncle and cousin as well as her mother’s boyfriend who is the potential leader of large human trafficking/prostitution ring.’ As noted earlier, a report from law enforcement explained that the mother was aware that her daughter was being sexually exploited. In fact, both mother and daughter were caught together during a prostitution sting. Barriers to disclosure and detection A key barrier to victim disclosure of FF-JST and victim identification was the youthfulness of the victims and their lack of understanding that they were being groomed or sexually exploited. As previously described, in the case of FF-JST that continued for 10 years, only after the victim’s sister told her that such behavior is not normal or ‘right’ was she able to properly assess the situation and see the exploitation by her mother as wrong and inappropriate. In another case, the victim was tricked and ‘unaware that her 21-year-old cousin was setting up “escort” jobs for her.

He would convince her to go out with his “friends.” She eventually was raped by a john.’ Moreover, some relative-traffickers blamed victims for their exploitation. In one case of repeated sexual exploitation by a mother-trafficker, the mother convinced her daughter that each time she was forced to have sex with men in the basement it was ‘punishment for her bad behavior.’ Another barrier to victim disclosure was related to the authority of the relativetrafficker and victims’ dependency on them. Similar to impediments to disclosure by victims of child sexual abuse (Paine and Hansen 2002), youthfulness and dependency inherent in a caregiver – child relationship prohibited victims from refusing to obey relative-traffickers. Even when victims began to understand that they were being exploited, they were often reluctant to disclose the abuse. Often the victims had been in trouble at school or with immigration authorities in the past, so interactions with law enforcement were considered intimidating or threatening. One victim, involved in an ongoing trafficking investigation, reported that during her interrogation, the detective verbally mistreated her by calling her names such as stupid and threatened to slap her face as well as demeaned her.

[Name of victim] shared that she answered all of his questions and she has nothing to hide and has been cooperative with the police and he had no reason to treat her in such a way.

Challenges unique to international JST victims revolved around their tenuous immigration status including being in the USA without proper documentation or having travel documents or a visa provided by a trafficker. In a case involving a girl from another country, the uncle-trafficker forged papers that allowed the victim to stay in the USA. Without the support of her uncle-trafficker, she was in danger of being deported back home to her mother who had sold her to the uncle. Additionally, the uncle-trafficker controlled this victim by ‘telling her she had a $4000 debt to pay off.’ A language barrier can also complicate disclosure and access to victim services. One victim was placed in foster care with an English-speaking family even though she did not speak English very well. In several cases, the victims and their non-abusing caregivers were threatened by the traffickers. In one case, the victim’s trafficker and two accomplices attempted to abduct the victim after placement in care with another relative. Victims were threatened and warned not to reveal information to the police about the trafficking operation. One victim was threatened by a john and ‘stalked for three months to ensure that she did not report him

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to the police. [Name of victim] would never report him to the police because he told her “she would get in trouble instead.”’ As it turned out, the john was correct, as she was only able to escape her trafficker because she was arrested by U.S. immigration. Consequences impacting recovery The examination of the maltreatment histories and exploitation experiences of these youth provide evidence of their need for specialized services. FF-JST victims presented with psychological symptoms that are consistent with experiencing extensive trauma and abuse, such as anxiety, depression, interpersonal relationship difficulties, and problems with authority figures. One victim stated that ‘her “whole life” has been a traumatic event.’ Almost 90% had been diagnosed with a mental health disorder (n ¼ 17), with 47% (n ¼ 9) having been diagnosed with more than one mental health disorder. The most common diagnoses included posttraumatic stress disorder, bipolar disorder, depression, conduct disorder, and attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder.

One victim reported having ‘dreams about being attacked and raped, “I just want to stop having them.”’ Another victim was observed during an assessment as being ‘defiant of her foster-mother’s request, fails to follow directions and raises her voice when asked questions she does not want to answer.’ Victims also expressed feeling ‘shame, guilt, and embarrassment’ ‘struggling with low self-esteem and feelings of rejection’ and having ‘bouts of depression, feelings of worthlessness, helplessness and anxiety.’ Many reported suicidal ideation, self-harming behaviors, and numerous psychiatric hospitalizations due to suicide attempts. One victim reported ‘three suicide attempts . . . one was almost successful . . . she threw herself out of a moving car while under the influence of alcohol.’ As FF-JST victims matured and realized the extent of their caregiver’s betrayal, one of the more commonly observed consequences was intense and uncontrollable anger. One case file stated that the ‘patient related high levels of anger towards her mother . . .

with difficulty controlling her anger having frequent outbursts and low frustration tolerance.’ Another victim ‘had several involuntary psychiatric hospitalizations due to destroying her room, cursing, and running away.’ Another girl was hospitalized after writing ‘a note stating that she wanted to kill herself and her mother.’ Another girl reported that she ‘never wanted to return home due to the sexual exploitation’ by her mother. These symptoms align with previous research regarding lasting psychological and social consequences of abandonment, sexual abuse, and betrayal by caregivers (Arata et al. 2007; Norman et al. 2012; Stroebel et al. 2012). For approximately half of the FF-JST victims, substance abuse problems presented an additional barrier to recovery. These findings align support prior research regarding child maltreatment, substance abuse, and complications of recovery (Boles et al. 2005; Ullman, Najdowski, and Filipas 2009). Victims reported being given alcohol or other drugs by johns and/or traffickers.

One victim reported that she ‘started smoking cigarettes and drinking alcohol when she was 7 years old, which was given to her by johns.’ Another victim’s substance use history included abuse of ‘alcohol, marijuana, ecstasy, cough medicine, crack cocaine, and heroin.’ Medical complications resulting from sexual exploitation, such as sexually transmitted infections and pregnancy, were also reported. Six of the victims reported pregnancies and four of these adolescent FF-JST victims had an infant or child. Discussion This study examined demographics, child maltreatment histories, perpetrator –victim relationship patterns, trafficker motivations, and exploitive strategies in documented cases

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of FF-JST. The study findings show that sexual exploitation of youth trafficked by relatives generally begins when the girls are younger when compared to those trafficked by nonrelatives. In addition, the proportion of FF-JST victims with a history of child maltreatment and who had experienced multiple types of child maltreatment was greater in comparison to JST cases involving nonrelative traffickers. Notably, over half of the FF-JST victims were poly-victims – having experienced neglect, sexual abuse, physical abuse, and witnessed domestic violence. Mother – daughter dyads were the most commonly reported perpetrator – victim dyad in the study sample. Importantly, in the remaining FF-JST cases, mothers were often either aware of the sexual exploitation or left their daughters in the care of relative-traffickers. Review of these cases also exposed specific complexities that obstruct detection of family-facilitated exploitation beginning with youthfulness of the victims. Researchers have previously noted that youthfulness of child sexual abuse victims diminishes personal autonomy and the ability of victims to resist the authority or power of an abuser (Finkelhor 1984; Paine and Hansen 2002).

Similarly, victims of FF-JST in this study sample were initially exploited at young ages when they were not yet capable of protecting themselves from, and at times even comprehending, exploitation by their family members and caregivers. Additionally, for international victims, traffickers used victims’ tenuous immigration status in the USA such as being without proper documentation or having travel documents sponsored by a trafficker to create fear and victim compliance, decreasing the likelihood of detection and blocking victim access to assistance (Reid 2012a). While the study findings clearly support the proposed progression of victimizations in FF-JST introduced by Albanese (2007), the progression of victimizations varied when comparing male relative-traffickers with female relative-traffickers. With male relativetraffickers, Albanese’s (2007) progression was more commonly observed with an escalation of victimization from child sexual abuse by a family member, followed by the sharing/selling of pornographic photographs/videos of the youth on the Internet, and resulting with the eventual exploitation of the youth in prostitution by the abusive family member. With mother-traffickers, this progression was not commonly observed; rather, the sexual exploitation of the child was driven by the mothers’ need for drugs or cash.

However, it is important to note that due to the small sample size, these conclusions may not represent the progression of events that occur among all mother-traffickers involved in FF-JST. These findings regarding FF-JST can be used to inform prevention efforts. For example, the extensive histories of child maltreatment found among the FF-JST victims highlights the high probability that many FF-JST victims are living in families with past or ongoing contact with child protective services. Training for professionals working in child protective services is needed to facilitate proper identification of youth who have been or are being sexually exploited by their caregivers. More specifically, maternal addiction to crack cocaine was a recurring vulnerability factor for FF-JST. This finding is aligned with prior research that has noted the detrimental effects of crack cocaine and the prostitution of drug-addicted girls and women due to the crack cocaine epidemic (Inciardi, Lockwood, and Pettieger 1993). In contrast to studies focused on women addicted to other types of drugs, research on crack cocaine addiction has documented the unparalleled desperation of crack addicts and their willingness to endure the most degrading experiences for another hit (Maxwell and Maxwell 2000).

The findings of this study extend prior research findings by documenting that mothers addicted to crack cocaine have prostituted their young daughters in exchange for crack cocaine. Awareness of this elevated risk related to maternal drug addiction can inform the response of child protective services to such

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circumstances and emphasize the need for additional safeguards to prevent sexual exploitation of children living with mothers who are struggling with a drug addiction, especially with an addiction to crack cocaine. In addition, to reduce the likelihood of detection or disclosure of FF-JST, service providers and mental health professionals should include screening for FF-JST when assessing maltreated youth. Pertinent to such intervention efforts, the findings show that the extensive trauma histories experienced by FF-JST victims resulted in psychological, social, and even medical difficulties that complicate recovery (Clawson and Dutch 2008). Prior researchers have noted that victims of sex trafficking face multiple obstacles to recovery such as lack of education and job skills, mental health issues or drug addiction, and trafficking/pimp intimidation (Baker, Dalla, and Williamson 2010; Clawson and Dutch 2008; Dalla 2006). The findings of the current study confirm that youth who have been victimized in FF-JST also require multilayered, systemic intervention that includes the provision of mental health, medical, social, legal, and vocational services.

Victims of FF-JST should also be provided with mental health treatment designed to address the impact of trauma and exploitation such as re-experiencing the trauma through intrusive distressing recollections, exaggerated negative beliefs and expectations about self and others, shame, guilt, fear, and detachment from others. Therapeutic treatment, such as Trauma-Focused Cognitive Behavioral Therapy, would be beneficial for these youth including interventions that resolve trauma, stigmatization, and self-disparaging cognitions while also assisting the youth in developing relationship and problem-solving skills needed to appropriately handle peer and family conflict (Saewyc and Edinburgh 2010; Edinburgh and Saewyc 2009). While this study offers useful information regarding FF-JST, several limitations of the study should be noted. First, the sample utilized for the study comprised sex trafficking cases discovered or detected by law enforcement or social service providers. Given the hidden nature of FF-JST, the characteristics and dynamics of FF-JST examined by this study may differ in some ways from FF-JST cases that are not detected or reported. In addition, the case files and interviews with social service providers only contained information regarding sex trafficking of female victims limiting the generalizability of the findings.

Future research efforts should include the investigation of sex trafficking involving male youth. In closing, the findings of this study based on the examination of case records of victims of FF-JST provide crucial knowledge regarding the characteristics of victims and traffickers as well as the perpetrator – victim dynamics that facilitate this aggravated form of child maltreatment. Difficulties arise from these dynamics such as the inability of victims to self-identify, victim fear of the relative-trafficker, and devastating, wideranging consequences. These findings inform potential prevention efforts and highlight the critical need for targeted child protective services and specialized treatment for youth who have been trafficked by those who have been entrusted with their care. Funding This research project was supported by the American Psychology-Law Society Early Career Professional Grant.

Notes on contributors Joan A. Reid is an Assistant Professor in Criminology at the University of South Florida St. Petersburg. Her research concerns include human trafficking, sexual violence, victimology, and

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treatment of crime victims. Her recent research has appeared in Crime & Delinquency, Child Maltreatment, and Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment. Juliana Huard is a doctoral student and research assistant in the School of Criminology and Justice Studies at the University of Massachusetts Lowell where she earned her Master’s degree in Criminal Justice in addition to two graduate certificates (Forensic Criminology and Domestic Violence Prevention) in 2013. Her research interests include police and prosecutorial decision-making in sexual assault cases, juvenile sex trafficking, and domestic violence risk assessment. Rachael A. Haskell earned her Ph.D. in Social Work from the University of South Florida and is a Licensed Clinical Social Worker with over 15 years of experience as a therapist and educator. She is an Associate Professor at Saint Leo University. Her research interests include evidence-based treatment of trauma survivors, disability awareness and cultural competence, and human trafficking.

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